A Long-Delayed Strike: Germany's Pivot Against Russia's Shadow Fleet Exposes Political Hesitation Within the EU
According to Deutsche Welle, after blaming Russia for a drone attack on Leipzig Airport, Berlin announced an intensified crackdown on the so-called Russian shadow fleet. But Green Party security policy spokesperson Sara Nanni stated plainly that Germany's long absence was not a legal or technical difficulty but a political decision; meanwhile, the United Kingdom, France, Sweden, and Finland have taken more decisive action in the Baltic Sea, exposing internal EU divisions over sanctions enforceme
According to Deutsche Welle, on September 1, the German government publicly blamed Russia for a foiled drone attack on Leipzig Airport and simultaneously announced a series of retaliatory measures, the most eye-catching of which was the intensified crackdown on the so-called "Russian shadow fleet." Composed of aging, poorly maintained, underinsured tankers and cargo ships with opaque ownership structures, this network is accused of circumventing Western sanctions and financing Moscow's war machine and hybrid operations.
Green Party security policy spokesperson Sara Nanni was blunt in an interview with Deutsche Welle: "Russia is using its shadow fleet to finance its war against Ukraine and its aggression against Europe." She criticized the German government for its delay in acting: "Other countries are doing this in the Baltic Sea, but Germany is not. I keep hearing the Interior Minister say that there are technical or legal difficulties. But I believe the decision not to act is a political decision, and I think that is wrong."
Deutsche Welle's review pointed out that behind Berlin's new posture lies the long-differentiated reality of sanctions enforcement among European countries. In late 2024, the tanker Eagle S dragged its anchor in the Gulf of Finland and damaged the Estlink 2 submarine cable, and the Finnish Border Guard promptly seized the vessel. Although a Finnish court later dismissed charges of serious criminal damage, Sönke Marahrens, a security expert at the University of Kiel, told Deutsche Welle: "They sent a clear message to the other side: we know what you are doing, and we are going to stop it. You can see that after this clear warning, the other side received the signal and changed its behavior."
In addition to Finland, the United Kingdom, France, and Sweden have also taken a harder line against suspicious vessels. The Swedish Coast Guard specifically targets tankers and cargo ships suspected of belonging to the shadow fleet for inspection within territorial waters, and seizes them if forged documents, insufficient insurance, or environmental violations are discovered.
Deutsche Welle's analysis suggests that German restraint in the Baltic Sea is often read as concern over possible Russian escalation, while domestic politics also acts as a constraint. The Alternative for Germany (AfD) won the Saxony-Anhalt state election, with a platform advocating closer German-Russian ties against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine; polls show that concern over war in Europe is a decisive factor for many voters. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov even described Germany's accusations against Russia as "the beginning of a real war."
Johannes Peters of the Institute for Security Policy at the University of Kiel believes such concerns are overblown. He told Deutsche Welle: "Other European countries have taken a tougher stance, and despite these concerns, in fact despite the Russian rhetoric, very little has actually happened. Russia has not escalated the situation. On the contrary, it has largely avoided confrontation. In particular, we see that those highly valuable fully loaded tankers are now avoiding Swedish waters because Sweden has stepped up its interception and inspection efforts."
Following the Leipzig incident, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz stated: "The federal government will make those responsible for hybrid attacks pay. They will pay for this." Peters believes: "If you use tough rhetoric, sooner or later you have to deliver with action. The Chancellor has placed the government under pressure to follow through."
Julian Pawlak, a maritime security expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), however, warned Deutsche Welle that inspecting suspicious Russian ships is not without risk. "Of course, any such action must take into account that Russian warships may escort these vessels, or that there may be armed crew members aboard connected to Russian mercenary organizations," he said. "These are risks that must be factored in."
Estonia has experienced such risks firsthand. In May 2025, the captain of the tanker Jaguar ignored Estonian authorities' instructions while transiting Estonian territorial waters. When Estonian officials attempted to intercept and inspect the suspect tanker, Russia immediately scrambled fighter jets into the air, forcing Estonia to abandon the operation and allow the vessel to continue its voyage. Pawlak noted: "In the Baltic Sea, Russia is geographically closer and therefore has other means, including the deployment of military forces for support." In more distant waters such as the English Channel, however, "Russia cannot escort or protect every shadow fleet vessel."
As for the actual effectiveness of shadow fleet crackdowns, Peters is cautious. "We cannot shut down the entire shadow fleet system through inspections alone," he told Deutsche Welle. "The goal is to add risk and uncertainty to the Russian shadow fleet, and to raise its operating costs." He cited as an example: "If only one ship per day can complete a voyage instead of three, that means losses of hundreds of millions of euros per day. If the voyage increases from x days to x plus four days, that likewise erodes Russian revenue. And oil export revenues are vital to Russia's war economy."
No comments yet. Start the discussion.